By Christopher H. Johnson, Bernhard Jussen, David Warren Sabean, Simon Teuscher
The notice “blood” awakens historical principles, yet we all know little approximately its old illustration in Western cultures. Anthropologists have mainly studied how societies take into consideration the physically elements that unite them, and the members to this quantity advance these questions in new instructions. Taking a notably ancient point of view that enhances conventional cultural analyses, they exhibit how blood and kinship have continually been reconfigured in eu tradition. This quantity demanding situations the concept blood could be understood as a reliable entity, and exhibits how innovations of blood and kinship moved in either parallel and divergent instructions over the process ecu history.
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Extra resources for Blood & kinship : matter for metaphor from ancient Rome to the present
6. 3. 7. 2. 8. 1. A woman could become not only a cognate but also an agnate of her husband if she married him under the special Agnatio, Cognatio, Consanguinitas 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 35 provisions of conventio in manum. On agnatio, see Gilbert Hanard, “Observation sur l’adgnatio,” Revue international des droits de l’Antiquité 27 (1980): 169–204, here 177–83. 103. 132. 23. See also Max Kaser, Das römische Privatrecht. Erster Abschnitt: Das altrömische, das vorklassische und klassische Recht, 2nd ed.
Sanguis, he goes on to demonstrate, was also seen by the Romans as a substance that metaphorically transmitted certain qualities, both physical and ethical, down through a lineage, and that defined group identity. 43 As sanguis is a very broad criterion for constituting groups, the precise meaning of the terms consanguinei and consanguinitas is difficult to grasp. In the hands of Roman jurists writing of intestate inheritance, the term consanguinei usually refers to siblings. 44 It may, however, also refer to any member of a group constituted by common sanguis, thus to members of family groups, social groups like ordines, or even ethnic groups; and it is also used to make an anthropological distinction between human beings and animals.
Cf. Martin, “Vaterland,” 311–27. 27. 2; cf. Scullard, Festivals, 150–51; Dorothea Baudy, “Matralia,” Der Neue Pauly 7 (1999): 1027–28. 617–38; see also Scullard, Festivals, 74–76; cf. Martin, “Soziale Kontrolle,” 160–61. 28. Philippe Moreau, “Domus Augusta: L’autre maison d’Auguste,” in L’expression du pouvoir au début de l’Empire. Autour de la Maison Carrée à Nîmes, ed. M. Christol and D. Darde (Paris, 2009), 28–38, here 29–33. 29. Cf. 1. 6. During the second half of the third century, marriage between cousins became possible; see Livy, fragment 12, in Livy, History of Rome, vol.
Blood & kinship : matter for metaphor from ancient Rome to the present by Christopher H. Johnson, Bernhard Jussen, David Warren Sabean, Simon Teuscher