By Laura Briggs
In Somebody's childrens, Laura Briggs examines the social and cultural forces—poverty, racism, monetary inequality, and political violence—that have formed transracial and transnational adoption within the usa throughout the moment 1/2 the 20 th century and the 1st decade of the twenty-first. Focusing rather at the stories of these who've misplaced their little ones to adoption, Briggs analyzes the situations lower than which African American and local moms within the usa and indigenous and terrible girls in Latin the United States have felt pressed to renounce their youngsters for adoption or have misplaced them involuntarily.
The dramatic enlargement of transracial and transnational adoption because the Fifties, Briggs argues, was once the results of particular and profound political and social adjustments, together with the large-scale elimination of local little ones from their mom and dad, the condemnation of unmarried African American moms within the context of the civil rights fight, and the principally invented "crack infants" scare that inaugurated the dramatic withdrawal of advantages to bad moms within the usa. In Guatemala, El Salvador, and Argentina, governments disappeared young children through the chilly conflict after which imposed neoliberal monetary regimes with U.S. aid, making the circulate of kids throughout nationwide borders effortless and infrequently ecocnomic. Concluding with an evaluation of present-day controversies surrounding homosexual and lesbian adoptions and the struggles of immigrants terrified of wasting their young children to foster care, Briggs demanding situations celebratory or differently simplistic debts of transracial and transnational adoption by way of revealing a few of their unacknowledged explanations and prices.
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Additional info for Somebody’s Children: The Politics of Transnational and Transracial Adoption
Caseworkers often have considerable latitude in determining what happens to children, so the kinds of things that may be recorded as policy (like ‘‘we don’t take children for reasons of poverty’’) may or may not be enacted when an individual caseworker walks into somebody’s house. Transparency is not a virtue embraced by child welfare systems, and the conﬁdentiality promised to foster children can equally cloak malfeasance by the adults in the system, who include a complex mix of mental health providers, group home staff and administrators, lawyers, judges, foster parents, social workers, and welfare and child protective service caseworkers.
Hamer was best known for founding the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, which staged a very-televised standoff with the all-white ‘‘ofﬁcial’’ Mississippi delegation to the Democratic Convention in 1964. ∂≤ As feminist scholars have noted, the 1970s was arguably even more alarming than previous decades for black women’s reproductive rights, because the War on Poverty (decried by its opponents as the War against the Poor∂≥) provided federal funding for sterilization through the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (hew) and the Ofﬁce of Economic Opportunity (oeo).
Inquiries to hospital staff revealed that about ﬁfteen black mothers had asked about adoption at the hospital in 1952, but none had been referred to the adoptions department. It turned out that the Kansas City Adoptions Department had a strong ﬁnancial incentive not to take black babies. Although ofﬁcially a city service, the city paid only the department’s utilities; for salaries and other expenses, the department had to rely on adoption fees. Since white babies were easily and quickly adopted, for fees, that is whom the department accepted.
Somebody’s Children: The Politics of Transnational and Transracial Adoption by Laura Briggs